The Rise of Nationalism In the 19th Century

Nationalism is a pretty broad term. Merriam-Webster gives us "a feeling that people have of being loyal to and proud of their country often with the belief that it is better and more important than other countries." Industrialization fueled the power that European's wielded in world affairs, and as this power continued to grow, so too grew their feelings of being special - nationalism. This nationalism manifested itself in numerous ways, most notably in the avenues of colonialism and imperialism. Nationalism in the 19th century was not a uniquely European phenomenon, however, and so along with European examples, I'd also like to share some examples of Japanese nationalism, which often took the form of an air of superiority towards their powerful neighbors, the Chinese.

"Germania" by Philipp Veit, 1848.  The symbols in the painting illustrating a unified Germany include the imperial eagle, oak leaves for strength, and a hemp branch for peace. Source

The following is a German nationalistic poem that, like the painting above, strongly expresses a desire for a unified German nation. "The German Fatherland" by Ernst Moritz Arndt:

WHERE is the German's fatherland?
The Prussian land? The Swabian land?
Where Rhine the vine-clad mountain laves?
Where skims the gull the Baltic waves?
Ah, no, no, no!
His fatherland 's not bounded so!

Where is the German's fatherland?
Bavarian land? or Stygian land?
Where sturdy peasants plough the plain?
Where mountain-sons bright metal gain?
Ah, no, no, no!
His fatherland's not bounded so!

Where is the German's fatherland?
The Saxon hills? The Zuyder strand?
Where sweep wild winds the sandy shores
Where loud the rolling Danube roars?
Ah, no, no, no!
His fatherland 's not bounded so!

Where is the German's fatherland?
Then name, then name the mighty land!
The Austrian land in fight renowned?
The Kaiser's land with honors crowned?
Ah, no, no, no!
His fatherland 's not bounded so!

Where is the German's fatherland?
Then name, then name the mighty land!
The land of Hofer? land of Tell?
This land I know, and love it well;
But, no, no, no!
His fatherland 's not bounded so!

Where is the German's fatherland?
Is his the pieced and parceled land
Where pirate-princes rule? A gem
Torn from the empire's diadem?
Ah, no, no, no!
Such is no German's fatherland.

Where is the German's fatherland?
Then name, oh, name the mighty land!
Wherever is heard the German tongue,
And German hymns to God are sung!
This is the land, thy Hermann's land;
This, German, is thy fatherland.

This is the German's fatherland,
Where faith is in the plighted hand,
Where truth lives in each eye of blue,
And every heart is staunch and true.
This is the land, the honest land,
The honest German's fatherland.

This is the land, the one true land,
O God, to aid be thou at hand!
And fire each heart, and nerve each arm,
To shield our German homes from harm,
To shield the land, the one true land,
One Deutschland and one fatherland!  Source

Russia too had their glorifying imagery. In this excerpt from Prince Ukhtomskii's "Russia's Imperial Destiny," written in 1891, we see some of that:

The popular songs of Russia present us with a similar view of the secular prince of Moscow. In the letter of Ivan the Terrible to Prince Koorbsky there is a still clearer realization of the divine origin of all true autocratic thought and constant care for the good of the people: "The earth is ruled by the mercy of God and the grace of the Immaculate Virgin; by the prayers of the saints and the blessing of our fathers, and last of all, by us, its sovereigns." Where and when, in what European sovereigns, can we find more or as much humility in the estimate of their position? Such words could be used only by a sovereign deeply imbued with the Oriental view that the world is plunged in sin and falsehood; that he himself, a weak mortal, was strong and "wide ruling" only by the unseen favor of a bright and spiritual power, creating and maintaining all around him.  

It is this sacred conviction which has given birth to the steadfast belief both of our rulers and of the ruled, that Russia is the source and center of an invincible might, which is but increased by the attacks of her foes. The East believes no less than we do, and exactly as we do, in the preternatural qualities of the Russian national spirit, but values and understands them just in the same measure as we treasure the most precious of our national traditions---autocracy. Without it, Asia would be incapable of sincere liking for Russia and of painless identification with her. Without it, Europe would find it mere child's-play to dismember and overpower us as thoroughly as she has overpowered and dismembered the Slavs of the West, now suffering a bitter fate. The question is: In whose name and by whose single will shall the heritage of Russia be ruled in the future? Source

In the following 1832 letter from Tsar Nicholas I, it is evident how the Russian nationalism was earlier used to justify Russian control of Poland.

By the grace of God, Nicholas, Tsar of all the Russias, King of Poland, etc., When, by Our Manifesto of January 2, last year, We announced to Our faithful subjects the march of Our troops into the kingdom of Poland, which was momentarily snatched from the lawful authority, We at the same time informed them of Our intention to fix the future fate of this country on a durable basis, suited to its wants, and calculated to promote the welfare of Our whole empire. Now that an end has been put by force of arms to the rebellion in Poland, and that nation, led away by agitators, has returned to its duty, and is restored to tranquillity, We deem it right to carry into execution our plan with regard to the introduction of the new order of things, whereby the tranquillity and union of the two nations, which Providence has entrusted to Our care, may be forever guarded against new attempts. Poland, conquered in the year 1815 by the victorious arms of Russia, obtained by the magnanimity of Our illustrious predecessor, the Tsar Alexander, not only its national existence, but also special laws sanctioned by a Constitutional Charter. 

These favors, however, would not satisfy the eternal enemies of order and lawful power. Obstinately persevering in their culpable projects, they ceased not one moment to dream of a separation between the two nations subject to our scepter, and in their presumption they dared to abuse the favors of the restorer of their country, by employing for the destruction of his noble work the very laws and liberties which his mighty arm had generously granted them. Bloodshed was the consequence of this crime. The tranquility and happiness which the kingdom of Poland had enjoyed to a degree till then unknown, vanished in the midst of civil war and a general devastation. 

All these evils are now passed. The kingdom of Poland, again subject to Our scepter, will regain tranquility, and again flourish in the bosom of peace, restored to it under the auspices of a vigilant government. Hence, We consider it one of Our most sacred duties to watch with paternal care over the welfare of Our faithful subjects, and to use every means in our power to prevent the recurrence of similar catastrophes, by taking from the ill-disposed the power of disturbing public tranquility. As it is, moreover, Our wish to secure to the inhabitants of Poland the continuance of all the essential requisites for the happiness of individuals, and of the country in general, namely, security of persons and property, liberty of conscience, and all the laws and privileges of towns and communes, so that the kingdom of Poland, with a separate administration adapted to its wants, may not cease to form an integral part of Our empire and that the inhabitants of this country may henceforward constitute a nation united with the Russians by sympathy and fraternal sentiments, We have, according to these principles, ordained and resolved this day, by a new organic statute, to introduce a new form and order in the administration of 

Our kingdom of Poland. 

Nicholas 

St. Petersburg, February 26, 1832 Source

The competing nationalisms of all the various European states led to the scramble over Africa in which states tried to colonize and imperialize as much African territory as they could. The above map illustrates the breakdown of the holdings when most of the scrambling is done in 1913. Source

To justify their actions in Africa and other places where Europeans were confronted with other races, racism was used as a justification for colonial rule. In the above graphic from the 1857 book The Indigenous Races of the World, we can see that the African is placed between the chimpanzee and the Greek head in terms of development. Source

The British Empire

A world map, highlighting the British Empire as of 1886. The map was sponsored by the Imperial Federation League. The League, founded in 1884, sought to create a unified federation government amongst the colonies of the British Empire, rather than the individual colonized governments of British imperialism. Despite some support, the movement failed to gain real traction for the most part, and seriously declined with World War I.  Source

A key outpost of British Imperialism was India, which came by British hands by the spice trading endeavors British East India Company, whose coat of arms can be seen above. Source

The following is an excerpt from an 1858 article on the end of the East India Company's  powerful influence on Indian affairs. It comes from the British magazine Bentley's Miscellany.

  "We had confidently believed, from certain semi-official announcements in the columns of the leading journal of the day, that the Queen's speech on the opening of the session would have announced, in clear and unequivocal language, the impending fall of the double government for India, and the consequent extinction of the East India Company. The document which is supposed to dimly reveal the ministerial future, and set forth the programme of the parliamentary year, disclosed, however very little of the policy of the government on this vital and absorbing subject. It is now understood that considerable difference of opinion for some time existed in the cabinet on the form which was to be given to our future administration of India. A sufficient degree of unanimity appears to have been subsequently attained to enable the government to give formal notice to the Court of Directors of the intention of the ministry to bring in a bill for the extinction of their functions; but nothing more definite can be inferred from what has already been done, and it is questionable whether the administration is even yet agreed upon the principles of a measure which must, before long, excite very general discussion. The reconstruction of the Indian government will soon form the subject of earnest debate, and, doubtless, of practical legislation, and it is one that will tax to the utmost the patience and wisdom of parliament. Let it not, however, be forgotten, that while the British arms are employed in reasserting our supremacy in the plains and cities of Hindostan, a work of equal urgency and importance is to be done at home. We have to watch the development, sift the principles, and, scrutinise the details of this forthcoming measure, which may be destined to work immense changes both in India and England—to prevent, by the exercise of free discussion, a scheme framed for the better government of our great dependency from becoming a mere bureaucratic institution, and to guard against such a deviation from a noble plan of political improvement as shall convert the intended erection into a colossal edifice of parliamentary jobbery and corruption. We propose, therefore, to consider the present position of the question; but we must, in the first place, briefly pass in review a few of the changes which the government of India has undergone, from our first connexion with it as simple traders until the final consolidation of its wide-spread and magnificent territories under the imperial say or protection of Great Britain.

The East India Company is, or rather was, an anomaly without a parallel in the history of the world. It originated from sub-scriptions, trifling in amount, of a few private individuals. It gradually became a commercial body with gigantic resources, and by the force of unforeseen circumstances assumed the form of a sovereign power, while those by whom its affairs were directed continued, in their individual capacities, to be without power or political influence. This extraordinary commercial body was first formed in London in 1599. In the following year it [111/112] obtained a charter from the Crown, and was formed into a corporation for fifteen years under the title of "The Governor and Company of Merchants trading to the East Indies." The clear profits of the trade were said to have reached, in a few years, from 100 to 200 per cent. In 1611 the Company obtained permission from the Mogul to establish factories on several parts of the coast of India, in consideration of a moderate export duty upon its shipments. The success of its commerce was so great, that its capital was from time to time augmented, and its exclusive privileges renewed, for which the state received due equivalents in the shape of large pecuniary payments and loans without interest, and many leading statesmen, it is believed, more direct advantages. A Duke of Leeds, who was charged in the reign of Charles II with receiving five thousand pounds from the Company, was impeached by the House of Commons, and it is said that the prorogation of parliament, which occurred immediately afterwards, was caused by the tracing of the sum of ten thousand pounds to a much higher quarter." Source

Soldiers in the British Indian Army, 1895. 

British authority in India did not come without its opponents. The results of an 1857 Indian rebellion are discussed in the following by Professor Peter Marshall:

"After the rebellion had been put down, the new royal government of India that replaced that of the East India Company promised that it had no intention of imposing 'our convictions on any of our subjects'. It distanced itself further from the Christian missionaries. A stop was put to the deposing of princes, and greater care was shown to the rights of landlords. The major part of the army was in future to be drawn from so-called 'martial races'. The huge parades, or durbars, at which the new empress of India received the allegiance of the hierarchies of traditional India through her viceroy, seemed to symbolise the new conservatism of the regime." Source 

A political cartoon from 1878 illustrating what's known as the Great Game, the struggle for Afghanistan and other territory in Central Asia between the British and the Russians. In the cartoon we see the Russian bear and the British lion ready to pounce from either on the Afghan leader Sher Ali Khan. The caption satirizes the claims of both sides that they were truly his friends. Source

Another political cartoon, this one depicting John Bull, equivalent to our American Uncle Sam character, along with the second character in the back representing the French's attempts to keep hold on Egypt. The text reads "'Hold on!' 'An allegory on the banks of the Nile.'" Source

A well-known 1888 political cartoon with John Bull  as an octopus, almost over extending himself by laying claim to too many colonial territories and about to place another arm on Egypt. Source

For an modern satirical look back on the British Empire, let's look to Caryl Churchill's weirdly awesome play Cloud 9. The first act takes place in British Colonial Africa. Clive is a colonial administrator, Joshua is a servant of his family. The character of Joshua is black, but, ironically, the actor playing Joshua is meant to be white. 

ALL (sing).  Come gather, sons of England, come gather in your pride. 

Now meet the world united, now face it side by side;

Ye who the earth's wide corners, from veldt to prarie, roam.

From bush and jungle muster all who call old England 'home'.

Then gather round for England,

Rally to the flag,

From North and South and East and West 

Come one and all for England!

CLIVE.  This is my family. Though far from home

We serve the Queen wherever we may roam.

I am a father to the natives here,

And father to my family so dear.

My boy's a jewel. Really has the knack.

You'd hardly notice that the fellow's black.

JOSHUA. (black servant, played by a  white) My skin is black but oh my soul is white.

I hate my tribe. My master is my light.

I only live for him. As you can see,

What white men want is what I want to be.

Churchill, Caryl. Cloud 9. New York: Theatre Communications Group, 2010. Print